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The Framework Approach was used to summarize and organize the data and identify emerging higher order themes.

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Two forms of post-colposcopy distress emerged: 1 short term and 2 long term. Short-term distress was experienced immediately after the colposcopy and in the days afterward, and was usually related to the physical experience of the colposcopy. Long-term distress typically persisted over time and was related to concerns about fertility, cervical cancer, and sexual intercourse. The drivers of short-term and long-term distress differed. Factors related to short-term distress were feeling unprepared for the procedure, having a negative experience of the procedure, and attending the clinic alone.

Factors related to long-term distress were future intentions to have more children, having physical after-effects of the procedure that impacted on the woman's life, and being under on-going clinic surveillance.

Absence of these factors e. Colposcopy can lead to short- and long-term post-procedural distress for some women. We identified a range of factors, some potentially modifiable, that seem to influence the chances of experiencing distress. These results may inform the development of strategies or interventions aimed at preventing or minimizing distress after colposcopy and related procedures. Published by Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved. National Center for Biotechnology Information , U.

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Further, feminists and other scholars e. Two key theories for understanding gender emerged to highlight this complexity in recent decades: 1 gender as performance, and 2 the construction of multiple masculinities. In terms of performance, since the s, ethnomethodologists have explored how gender is achieved through action and interaction Brickell Here again, gender was considered dynamic and enacted by men in various arenas of social life e. Thus, different kinds of masculinities were thought to emerge locally, constructed through everyday practices and relationships.

There were also consequences of the proliferation of masculinities. For instance, for men trying to emulate hegemonic ideals, the social risks could include poor social relationships and higher levels of substance abuse Courtenay Choosing or feeling obliged to adopt a marginalised masculinity in any particular context also had consequences.

Understanding Women in Distress by Ashurst Hall Pamela Zaida

For instance, studies illuminated the way social pressures associated with the marginalisation of male homosexuality e. Both performativity and hegemonic masculinities emphasise how masculinity is produced in everyday social life. Thus, in practice, there may well be much variation within — and not just between — men.

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This freeing up of our understanding of gender has become reflected in research. For example, binge drinking among young female high school students can be viewed as involving carefully pitched gendered transgressions in some contexts e. While the wider critiques cannot be rehearsed here, one debate suggested that hegemonic masculinity tended to obscure the subject in favour of the social Whitehead Connell and Messerschmidt challenge this, for example, pointing to the importance of psychoanalytical ideas about layered personalities that underpinned the original formulation of hegemonic masculinities.

He suggests focusing our gender analyses on the unconscious e. He points out that early subjectivity may or may not be ordered by gender forces, depending on your theoretical perspective. Thus, while researchers like Riska and Ettorre argue that gender is firmly embedded in subjectivity, moods and distress, the role of gender in subjectivity may be more complicated than previously thought.

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Performativity theory has begun to incorporate affect, subjectivities and social relations in complex ways also. Boys coming into contact with performances of masculinities and hegemony through schooling can find the experience conflicting, frustrating, traumatic and distressing Keddie Here, performativity links affect, relations and social institutions in complex ways.

On the subject of embodiment and emotions, other researchers have argued that the male body is more than representational: it is also material, and subjectivity — including affect — emerges from the body Robertson et al. Mellstrom has also incorporated affect into embodiment, examining the emotional relationship between men and machines, and how machines can become a symbol as well as a felt extension of the body.

That is, the material body as well as objects play an important role in forming emotions and subjectivities. Social relations and circumstances are also important in performativity. In the area of telework 2 , research by Marsh and Musson shows how men working from home may adopt emotional expressiveness and discourses usually ascribed to women, including talk about unconditional love and commitment.

Following Hochschild , Emslie and colleagues show that in the area of spousal support following colorectal cancer, men engage in emotional work 3 that involves the full spectrum from suppressing to displaying emotions. On the other hand, lower SEC men were more restrained in their performances, and more comfortable with discussing their anger. Taken together, the above research points not only to the ways in which language, bodies, performance and structural issues might shape and produce subjectivities, but also to the complex ways in which gender relations play out according to circumstances.

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However, the term is used in diverse and conflicting ways to conceive of subjectivity and the social, and it currently lacks conceptual clarity Hanlon and Carlisle One outcome is the shift in emphasis from physical health towards new forms of subjectivity and social citizenship. In psychology, there is a division between writers who construct wellbeing as essentially about happiness, and those who see the term as involving more complex constructs like personal growth, acceptance, authenticity and life purpose Carlisle et al.

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The sociology of wellbeing is exploring the link between the individual and the collective de Chavez et al. Research here is showing up complex lay understandings of wellbeing, including individualism, managing emotions, and sense of personal responsibility and agency Sointu There are resonances here in the discourses about wellbeing and male subjectivities.

According to Riska and Ettorre , men struggle with dualistic subjectivities. Men feel subjected to external pressures e. Thus, men experience themselves in conflict: both as having choices as well as being constrained by their social circumstances. While subjectivities have hardly begun to be explored in terms of masculinity and wellbeing, discourses in these fields already share a similar binary construction.

There are few studies examining men and their distress. As if to reinforce the gender binary construction of men healthy and women unhealthy discussed earlier, studies pertaining to emotional distress have tended to focus on women exclusively or predominately, or make only passing comment on the wider issues of gender and men.

Only a small group of studies on emotional distress have studied both men and women. Consequently, it is difficult to make clear statements on the subject of men, gender and distress. Nevertheless, there is some evidence emerging from the literature. As well as differences in experiences of distress, studies also suggest that men and women can at times express their distress differently Winkler et al. The little we know about men and distress mainly comes out of research with people who are facing chronic conditions like cancer or who have a mental health diagnosis such as depression.

However, other research in the area of online cancer support has found similar emphases on information and support between the genders Gooden and Winefield Nevertheless, subtle differences were found by Gooden and Winefield in language used. While women focused on nurturing, men tended to use battle metaphors in discussing cancer. Seale has also found that men may prioritise emotional communication on online breast cancer sites when discussing their partners, yet they can be uneasy about transgressing concepts of traditional masculinity.

In terms of depression, studies point to similarities in the experiences of distress among men and women e.

Understanding Women in Distress

These studies, however, also point to apparent differences in the experiences of men and women. However, the study relied on a convenience sample of teachers and students, and it is not clear how the findings would hold up in a more varied sample of participants. In a Swedish study that compared a small number of narratives of men and women with a diagnosis of depression, Danielsson and Johansson found that women had a greater vocabulary for expressing feelings, thus articulating their distress more than men.

On the other hand, men talked more about holding back discussions of emotional distress while being more likely to express their aggression. The dominant narrative about masculinity in the literature is that men are more reluctant to seek help than women, regardless of their health concern. This process included negotiating stigma as well as accommodating, normalising and denying problems, even to the point of crisis e. Both boys and girls perceived negative consequences for demonstrating psychological symptoms, although the consequences for boys were described as more severe.

Additionally, some men are not particularly reluctant to seek help, and there are circumstances in which men will readily use health services. Additionally, those men who are prepared to challenge the tenets of hegemonic masculinity may choose to explore their emotional vulnerability with the help of professionals Emslie et al. There is, however, some research in the UK that suggests that compared to women, men have a higher threshold for distress before they seek help, and women are more likely to seek help from family and friends than men are Riska and Ettorre In other research, while respondents of both genders were hesitant to tell their doctors that they were not coping, men were especially reluctant to do so Rogers et al. And some groups of men e. The way women are at times more able than men to express their distress to professionals may mean that they increase their chances of receiving a mental health diagnosis Mirowsky and Ross For example, in the area of cancer treatment, there appear to be differences in the way doctors behave towards men and women, with relatively less recognition of distress in men Kiss and Meryn Even more than this, some commentators argue that psychiatric classification systems like the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual lead professionals to bias in overlooking expressions of distress among men e.

Some sociologists argue that mental health classifications thus reinforce social constructions of gender by diagnosing women and ignoring men Clarke and van Amerom So the argument here is that institutionalised healthcare can play a role in organising the expression of distress in ways that can keep male subjectivity concealed. Fox , for example, notes that health promoting behaviours have to engage at some level with multiple perspectives on health, hazards and living.

Thus, behaviours that some men might consider an unacceptable risk to health might be prized by other men as the very embodiment of masculinity Ridge Men and women faced with the complexity of their own distress can have reasons for choosing to manage their problems in ways that do not match professional frameworks McMullen and Herman , Ridge Thus, useful explanations about the way men go about coping and seeking help for their distress need to acknowledge the operation of multiple meaning frameworks. Despite the relative invisibility of men in mental health research to date Riska , studies suggests that men have a rich subjective life which has been neglected, and they do experience distress — albeit they may express their suffering in ways that are not always the same as women.

Men may also process their distress in ways similar to or different from women e. In addition, men may narrate their distress in ways which are hidden from view or difficult to interpret White We have also argued in this paper that social institutions e. In terms of gender theory, we expect the focus will continue to be on performativity and relational aspects of gender. However, interesting revisions of hegemonic masculinities and gender performativity are underway which are likely to inform future work on men and distress.

While previous research could be accused of obscuring the subject in favour of structural issues, the future agenda might be productively invested in exploring more deeply what the subjectivity of men actually looks and feels like, and how it is changing. Whether subjectivity is inherently gendered or not can be debated, but addressing the complexity of subjectivities and distress is now timely. Early life, the unconscious, biographies, relationships, discourses, performativity, affect, gender relations, material bodies, social contexts and constructions of wellbeing may all be important in understanding men, their subjectivities and distress.

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  6. At first glance, this research agenda seems daunting, and we know relatively little. But there are already some interesting directions, such as the work by Ahmed on the way emotions are powerfully performative in mediating between the psychic and the social.